Illegal Alien Children Dumping Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania Cumberland County United Methodist Home for Children $7,400.00 per month per kid? Barack Obama Social Justice Hits Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania?

Who is Kathy J. Eppley?  

Why does she want my money?  

United Methodist Home for Children Inc. is a business and it seems its more and more about cash money.  Kathy J. Eppley is a Vice President of United Methodist Home for Children and she's authorized the U.S. mailing of letters to the Mechanicsburg PA area community asking for money.  

I find it surprising that the letter did not mention that Illegal Aliens were going to be housed in Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania, no mention at all?  Maybe the Vice President Kathy J Eppley of the United Methodist Home for Children in Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania doesn't even know that the illegal aliens are on the way.  Latest rumors are that the federal administrative state of Barack Obama is moving the illegal aliens around in regular looking vans, to fool the taxpayers, to foul up the protesters and to sneak them inside honest communities like Mechanicsburg PA?  Maybe Kathy Eppley already tucks them in at night, waiting for the federal check to show up in the mail box?  The problem is that illegal aliens are everywhere, now, more and more in Cumberland County. 

Foster parents for the immigrants can receive up to $7,400 per month in child support payments from the federal government so you must wonder how much grant money per illegal alien child does the United Methodist Home for Children receive.  Do they receive more money for MS-13 GANG MEMBERS?  The social justice movement (socialism) has come to Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania and we can thank the United Methodist Home for Children for bringing illegal aliens to our schools and neighborhoods. 

Prior to being released onto U.S. soil, most of the illegal immigrants spend a relatively short amount of time in a federal housing facilities. Some such shelters have recently come under scrutiny for providing the migrants with taxpayer-subsidized luxuries such as all-you-can-eat buffets, flat screen televisions, Internet access, and hair salons.

The United Methodist Home for Children, Tax Exempt, Accepts Illegal Aliens from Central America Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania Illegal Alien Children, Federal Grant Money Authorized Tea Party After years of falling wages and rising joblessness, American workers are pleading for someone to hear them. How can it be that our President is brazenly advertising that he will nullify and strip away American workers’ immigration protections, and their own elected leaders will not rise to their defense? Or to the defense of our laws and our Constitutional order?

There are other grave concerns with the Granger package as well: because it does not fix our asylum rules and loopholes, the end result of the additional judges and hearings will be more illegal immigrants gaining asylum and access to U.S. welfare. It is a plan for expedited asylum, not expedited removal.

Illegal Aliens Imported and deposited in Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania by Barack Obama Scott Perry, Sheryl Delozier Robert Casey Jr Patrick Toomey Lou Barletta Governor Corbet

The United Methodist Home for Children, Tax Exempt, Accepts Illegal Aliens from Central America Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania Illegal Alien Children, Federal Grant Money Authorized Tea Party After years of falling wages and rising joblessness, American workers are pleading for someone to hear them. How can it be that our President is brazenly advertising that he will nullify and strip away American workers’ immigration protections, and their own elected leaders will not rise to their defense? Or to the defense of our laws and our Constitutional order?

 Barack Obama Scott Perry, Sheryl Delozier Robert Casey Jr Patrick Toomey Lou Barletta

The United Methodist Home for Children, Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania.  Question; How much money in cash grants are you going to receive per illegal alien child you feed, transport and shelter.  It seems the going cash rate, per illegal alien, per month, is $7,000 per month.  The United Methodist Home for Children needs to disclose the taxpayer money they plan to rack in keeping up with the poor illegal alien children.  At $7,000 per month 10 little rascals equal $70,000 per month.  

If the United Methodist Home for Children in Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania gets lucky and nets twenty little rascals they could maybe get $140,000 in cash from the taxpayers monthly. 

 If this is even close, the United Methodist Home for Children in Mechanicsburg PA is a money making racket, which is perfect considering the illegal alien children have a mix of MS-13 gang members.  

The United Methodist Home for Children in Mechanicsburg PA needs to disclose the cash income for each illegal alien child they keep within Cumberland County and we can all discover why they are Federal Tax Exempt?  

The United Methodist Home for Children in Mechanicsburg PA should also allow the community the ages of the little rascals and their gender to make sure they do or don't require other free taxpayer funded community services. We also look forward to Mayor Ritter making some comments concerning illegal aliens forced into the borough by Barack Obama and his thugs within the DHS, CBP and other agencies. 

The Customs and Border Protection agency is divided into the Office of Field Operations (OFO) and the Office of Border Patrol (OBP). The OFO numbers reflect anyone either turning themselves in at official U.S. points of entry, or anyone caught while being smuggled at the points of entry. The OBP numbers reflect anyone being caught or turning themselves in to Border Patrol agents between the points of entry, or anyone caught at interior checkpoints by Border Patrol agents. The “OFO Inadmissible” designation to any individual from a nation other than Mexico or Canada means that U.S. authorities took the individuals into custody. Whether they were deported or given a Notice to Appear is unknown. It is important to note these numbers do not include data from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The unavailable ICE data are in addition to these numbers.

The report reveals the apprehension numbers ranging from 2010 through July 2014. It shows that most of the human smuggling from Syria and Albania into the U.S. comes through Central America. The report also indicates the routes individuals from North Africa and the Middle East take into the European Union, either to illegally migrate there or as a possible stop in their journey to the United States. The data are broken down further into the specific U.S. border sectors where the apprehensions and contact occurred.

Among the significant revelations are that individuals from nations currently suffering from the world’s largest Ebola outbreak have been caught attempting to sneak across the porous U.S. border into the interior of the United States. At least 71 individuals from the three nations affected by the current Ebola outbreak have either turned themselves in or been caught attempting to illegally enter the U.S. by U.S. authorities between January 2014 and July 2014.

As of July 20, 2014, 1,443 individuals from China were caught sneaking across the porous U.S. border this year alone, with another 1,803 individuals either turning themselves in to U.S. authorities at official ports of entry, or being caught attempting to illegally enter at the ports of entry. This comes amid a massive crackdown by Chinese authorities of Islamic terrorists in the Communist nation.

Twenty-eight individuals from Pakistan were caught attempting to sneak into the U.S. this year alone, with another 211 individuals either turning themselves in or being caught at official ports of entry.

Thirteen Egyptians were caught trying to sneak into the U.S. this year alone, with another 168 either turning themselves in or being caught at official ports of entry.

Four individuals from Yemen were caught attempting to sneak into the U.S. by Border Patrol agents in 2014 alone, with another 34 individuals either turning themselves in or being caught attempting to sneak through official ports of entry. Yemen is not the only nation with individuals who pose terror risks to the U.S. that the report indicates travel from. The failed nation of Somalia, known as a hotbed of Islamic terror activity, was also referenced in the report. Four individuals from Somalia were caught trying to sneak into the U.S. by Border Patrol agents in 2014. Another 290 either turned themselves in or were caught attempting to sneak in at official ports of entry

These are the companies, where you spend your money and they want more illegal aliens, cheap labor means more profits.  

The Cheesecake Factory, Inc. CVS Caremark Corporation Hallmark Cards, Inc. McDonald's Corporation The Wendy's Company The Walt Disney Company The Coca-Cola Company Johnson & Johnson American Express Company 21st Century Fox Darden Restaurants, Inc (Olive Garden, Red Lobster, and others) Liberty Mutual Group, Inc. Allstate Insurance Company Western Union Northwestern Mutual American Airlines Inc. Motorola Solutions, Inc. The Procter  Gamble Company (wide range of well-known home and beauty brands) Newell Rubbermaid Inc. AT&T Inc. T-Mobile USA, Inc. Caterpillar Inc. The ADT Corporation Pfizer Inc. Hewlett-Packard Company HP United Parcel Service, Inc. UPS General Electric Company GE Verizon Communications Inc.  Pay your phone bill (one dollar short) Marriott International, Inc.  Stay somewhere else Hilton Worldwide  Find another room Hyatt Hotels Corporation  Say no to Hyatt McCormick & Company, Inc.  Salt and Pepper Cisco Systems, Inc.  A billionaire doesn't need you anymore, let him sail off Quest Diagnostics Incorporated Eaton E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Company BNSF Railway Company Shell Oil Company General Mills, Inc. (many well-known food brands) Ingram Industries Inc. Kronos Incorporated Ingersoll Rand Company General Parts Inc. Merck & Co., Inc. United Technologies Corporation Harris Corporation Illinois Tool Works Inc. Sears Holdings Corporation  There is a reason that Sears and K-Mart is going broke USG Corporation Archer Daniels Midland Company  Destroy people that control your food Johnson Controls, Inc.  Lots of people make their stuff Ally Financial Inc. US Foods Univar, Inc. Kiewit Corporation Air Products and Chemicals, Inc.  Great company really bad leadership W.W. Grainger, Inc.  Too bad, no more money. Avery Dennison Corporation Humana Inc. Novelis, Inc. The Williams Companies, Inc. Avaya Inc. Computer Sciences Corporation Honeywell International Inc. International Paper Company  All they do is cut down trees, cut your cash flow to them Dover Corporation Danaher Corporation TRW Automotive Analog Devices, Inc. Ecolab, Inc. Avnet, Inc. White Lodging Corporation Coca-Cola Enterprises, Inc. Simon Property Group Daikin McQuay Americas Continental Grain Company MSC Industrial Direct Co., Inc. Hospira, Inc. Cigna Corporation The ServiceMaster Company Automatic Data Processing, Inc. Bloomin' Brands Inc. Fiserv, Inc. Carolinas HealthCare System SRA International Emerson Rockwell Automation, Inc. Parker Hannifin Corporationm Saint-Gobain Corporation General Dynamics Corporation A. O. Smith Corporation Praxair, Inc. HCA Inc. Eastman Chemical Company ManpowerGroup Fifth Third Bank Pitney Bowes Inc. Express Scripts, Inc. Cardinal Health, Inc. Aleris International, Inc. DTE Energy Company U.S. Steel Corporation Mortgage Guaranty Insurance Corporation Cargill, Incorporated Assurant, Inc. XL Global Services, Inc Texas Instruments Incorporated ATK WESCO International

BACKGROUND:

7/3/2014: National Journal, Obama's Immigration Independence Day

“Obama made it clear he would press his executive powers to the limit. He gave quiet credence to recommendations from La Raza and other immigration groups that between 5 million to 6 million adult illegal immigrants could be spared deportation under a similar form of deferred adjudication he ordered for the so-called Dreamers in June 2012…

Obama has now ordered the Homeland Security and Justice departments to find executive authorities that could enlarge that non-prosecutorial umbrella by a factor of 10. Senior officials also tell me Obama wants to see what he can do with executive power to provide temporary legal status to undocumented adults.”

7/16/2014: The Huffington Post, Obama Tells Lawmakers He Won't Cave On Deportation Review

“… The president assured members of his own party Wednesday that he won't back down from his plans to ease deportations… Obama said he was ‘moving rapidly,’ though he didn't estimate how many undocumented immigrants may be affected or an exact time frame, said Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Ariz.). The president has asked that the secretary of homeland security finish a review of deportation policy by the end of the summer.

7/17/2014: Real Clear Politics, Obama Said to Assure Hispanic Caucus on Deportations

“President Obama reassured members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Wednesday that he will flex his executive muscle later this year to be ‘as great and big and bold as he can be’…”

7/17/2014: Daily Caller, Dem Lawmaker: Obama Has Promised To ‘Act Shortly’ By Granting Amnesty To Many Illegals

“Democratic lawmaker Tony Cardenas revealed that President Barack Obama promised the Congressional Hispanic Caucus on Wednesday he will ‘act shortly’ to bypass Congress and grant some form of amnesty to many illegal immigrants…

Cardenas added that the president promised to also expedite the hearings of the tens of thousands of illegal immigrant children stranded on the southern border, and would work to eventually provide them ‘some temporary or permanent status here in the United States.’

‘So those are the two main things that the president committed to,’ the lawmaker concluded.”

7/19/2014: National Journal, The Immigration Conflagration

“Regardless of how Congress handles his request for more border resources, President Obama is moving toward a historic—and explosive—executive order that will provide legal status to a significant number of the estimated 11.7 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. One senior White House official says that while ‘what's happening at the border will provide atmospherics for the [president's] decision,’ it won't stop him from acting on the undocumented—probably before the midterm elections.”

7/20/2014: Breitbart, Luis Gutierrez To La Raza: Obama Assured Steps To ‘Stop The Deportation Of Our People’

“Speaking at the National Council of La Raza conference in Los Angeles, Gutierrez said that Obama assured him during a White House meeting with Members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus last week that he would be as ‘generous and broad’ as he can…

A Masters of the Universe drawing hangs in a frame above the desk in the Capitol Hill office of Alabama senator Jeff Sessions. It stands out among dozens of pictures of his three children and seven grandchildren. The protagonist of the comic-book series, He-Man, is depicted mounted atop his heroic lion, Battle Cat. His muscles are bulging; his sword is thrust into the air. Battle Cat’s mouth is open, his fangs exposed. They are a formidable pair.

A small gold plaque sits below the drawing in the same frame. Etched on it are a portion of the remarks Sessions delivered on the Senate floor in June 2007, two days before the comprehensive immigration-reform bill championed by President George W. Bush and several prominent Republicans was defeated in the Senate. Sessions led the opposition to that bill, and his efforts were among the reasons for its unexpected collapse. “No one small group of people have a right to meet in secret with special-interest groups and write an immigration bill and ram it down the throat of this Senate,” he told his colleagues. “I oppose it. It is not right.”

The artwork was a gift from Cindy Hayden, Sessions’s former chief counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee, after the 2007 bill was defeated. Sessions called the “small group” that had hashed out the legislation — the politicians, political strategists, and special-interest groups — the “masters of the universe.”

It’s one of his favorite political put-downs. He refers to the CEOs and corporate interests that support amnesty for illegal immigrants as the “masters of the universe in glass towers and suites.” Politicians like John McCain and Lindsey Graham, who have repeatedly tried to push a path to citizenship through Congress, are the “Washington masters of the universe.” Economists, too, are masters of the universe, and former Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke was the “master master.”

Sessions, 67, is a low-profile guy. Though he is not well known nationally, he has for years now been the instrumental force in quashing repeated attempts to pass comprehensive immigration reform. He has a gentle, almost grandfatherly quality, but he doesn’t shy away from combat. He derided the 2007 bill as “no illegal alien left behind”; in a single press conference, he blasted it as a “colossal error,” an “absolute scandal,” and a “fiscal disaster.” He declared: “Good fences make good neighbors.” All of this prompted the Washington Post’s Dana Milbank to call him the “Lou Dobbs of the Senate.”

By the time Sessions was done, on the eve of the Senate vote, calls from the bill’s opponents had shut down the Capitol switchboard. “People were sending bricks through the mail and saying, ‘Use this to build a wall,’ that sort of thing,” he says.

When he was elected to the Senate in 1996, Sessions had no special interest in immigration but, as a career prosecutor, he says the 2007 bill, which would have granted amnesty to the millions of illegal immigrants already in the United States, “just went against my understanding of what law in America was about.”

Sessions grew up in the rural town of Hybart, Ala., where his family ran a country store and, he has said, he learned “the value of hard work and being honest.” He was a Republican even when the South was strongly Democratic. At Huntingdon College in the late 1960s, he was involved with the GOP, and in his senior year he became chairman of the campus chapter of the Young Republicans.

Even before he came to Washington he had spent much of his career in public service, first as a U.S. attorney in Mobile and then as state attorney general. In 1986, when Sessions was 39, President Reagan nominated him to the federal district court in Alabama.

Sessions has always been willing to take on unpopular fights. As U.S. attorney, he prosecuted a group of African-American civil-rights activists for voter fraud, and his nomination prompted charges of racism from local and national officials. Colleagues at the Department of Justice accused him of racism, too, and the late Democratic senator Ted Kennedy warned that he would be a “throwback to a shameful era.” A black colleague and even a local black journalist testified on his behalf. Ultimately, his nomination was defeated. In an unusual turn of events, Senator Howell Heflin, a conservative Democrat who was expected to support his fellow Alabamian, bucked tradition and cast the deciding vote against him.

Sessions ran for the Senate in 1996 after serving two years as state attorney general and got some revenge: He won the seat held by the retiring Heflin. His victory was important for the GOP, too, as part of Alabama’s political realignment and that of the South more broadly. In 1994, Republicans had won the governorship and several other statewide offices. The 1996 elections tested the permanence of those victories, and Sessions’s triumph helped to consolidate the GOP’s gains.

Sessions says that proponents of comprehensive immigration reform, which would address many of the thorny immigration issues facing the country in a single bill rather than in smaller pieces, began redoubling their efforts on June 8, 2007, the day after a Bush-backed bill to bring it about was defeated. To the rest of us, it wasn’t until the day after Mitt Romney’s defeat in the 2012 presidential election that a new immigration bill began to look not just realistic but inevitable. Three days after the election, former George W. Bush aide Mark McKinnon opined, “The best thing about Republicans’ losing is that it will likely force them to cut an immigration deal.” An NBC News headline declared, “GOP resistance to immigration reform could be a casualty of 2012 election.” The Washington Post explained that “the GOP needs to do immigration reform — now.” The Republican National Committee, in its postmortem election report, came to the same conclusion.

A year and a half later, the landscape looks much different. House majority leader Eric Cantor is widely considered a casualty of the immigration issue. And, with Central American children flooding over the southern border, comprehensive immigration reform is, for the time being, all but dead.

More than any other national figure, Sessions is responsible for that turn of events. As the Senate debated the proposal of a group of eight senators — known as the “Gang of Eight” — for comprehensive reform last year, and then as the House toyed with passing it in various incarnations throughout the spring, Sessions’s office served as Ground Zero for the opposition. His staff circulated scholarly studies on Capitol Hill, sent dozens of policy memos to sway ambivalent lawmakers, and relentlessly hassled reporters about the perceived biases in their coverage.

Sessions himself met privately with Republicans in both houses of Congress to persuade them of his views. He also broadcast them in public, taking the Senate floor more than any other lawmaker last year. He spoke for a total of 39 hours, more even than did his colleagues Ted Cruz and Rand Paul, who made national headlines for staging hours-long filibusters. “Without Sessions, I see that amnesty probably would’ve been rammed through,” says radio talk-show host Laura Ingraham, who undertook her own crusade to scuttle the legislation.

Sessions opposes not only providing a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants — many Republicans are against that — but also raising the level of legal immigration. The Gang of Eight’s bill would have markedly increased it, and Sessions was one of the few voices on Capitol Hill arguing that even legal immigration hurts Americans, particularly when the economy is weak and unemployment high.

He has cast himself as a Beltway champion of the middle class, and his message of economic populism is part of a broader attempt to revitalize it. For Sessions, the issue of immigration illustrates better than anything else the divide between the ruling class — the “masters of the universe” — and working-class Americans, with the vast majority of CEOs and business owners favoring reform that, as he sees it, would deal a blow to America’s poor and middle-class workers. He has time and again cited Congressional Budget Office findings that increased immigration lowers wages overall but particularly for the poor. And, though many Republicans have called for allowing high-skilled immigrants into the U.S., particularly in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math, Sessions has repeatedly drawn attention to statistics suggesting we have more than enough.

So when, less than two months after Romney’s loss, Florida senator and Republican rising star Marco Rubio made it clear he would take the lead in negotiating an immigration-reform proposal with Democrats and the Obama administration, Sessions prepared for battle. Rubio had nearly all of the major financial forces in the GOP behind him; Sessions had history on his side.

He compares the efforts of the pro-reform crowd to a highly orchestrated presidential campaign: “They had exceedingly capable political consultants, they had pollsters to ask the right questions to get the best possible polling numbers, they had TV advertisements, they had rock-star Republicans supporting it, and they felt the train couldn’t be stopped,” he says.

According to the Sunlight Foundation, business and political groups spent more than $1.5 billion between 2008 and 2012 on pro-reform lobbying. Norm Coleman’s American Action Network aired ads on Fox News urging viewers to call Rubio to “thank him for keeping his promise, and fighting to secure the border.” Americans for a Conservative Direction, led by former Mississippi governor Haley Barbour, ran ads calling on viewers to “stand with Marco Rubio to end de facto amnesty.” Americans for Prosperity, a nonprofit group funded by the Koch brothers’ donor network, moved its 2013 conference from Washington, D.C., to Orlando, Fla., and featured Rubio as the keynote speaker. It was the rare issue, says Ingraham, on which the Left and the Right were “completely in cahoots with one another.”

As the legislation took shape, Sessions tried to slow it down in part by drawing attention to the swiftness with which some lawmakers were trying to move it through the Senate. Lawmakers had had two and a half weeks to read the 844-page bill when Judiciary Committee chairman Patrick Leahy scheduled it for a markup. “The only thing I don’t think we want is delay just for delay’s sake,” New York senator Chuck Schumer, one of the bill’s sponsors, said at a committee hearing in late April 2013. Schumer’s strategy, says a Sessions aide, was “to move faster than the truth can travel.”

At the same committee hearing, Sessions gave Schumer a reason for delay. He pointed to an article in the Christian Science Monitor noting that even those involved in crafting the legislation didn’t know exactly how many new immigrants it would allow into the country. He went on to read from the text of the bill to illustrate why it was difficult for some to parse. “The discretionary authority under clause one i may not be used to waive” — he paused, right hand in the air — “roman numeral one, sub-paragraph b, c, d 2, i, e, g, h, or i of section 212 a-2, then, roman numeral two, section 212 a-3, then, roman numeral three, sub-paragraph a, c, d, e of section 212 a-10.” His staff, he told his colleagues, had been working for days “trying to decipher this gobbledygook.” Flashing a smile, he looked at Schumer and said that he’d do his best to be ready to vote on the legislation. “But count me as a, a bit of a protest.”

As the bill moved through the Senate, Sessions used details like these to embarrass its supporters. His efforts were aimed not at them but at the few senators who hadn’t yet made up their minds and, even more important, at the dozens of undecided Republicans in the House of Representatives, which would ultimately decide the bill’s fate. Sessions likes to refer to “true facts,” and he says he felt a “duty to try to educate people on what I thought were the true facts.”

Senator David Vitter was a key ally, and together they plotted legislative strategy. The Louisiana Republican, Sessions says, is “extremely effective in understanding Senate procedures,” and he raised questions about the Gang of Eight’s commitment to securing the border when he forced the Senate to vote on, and reject, an amendment to the bill that would have prohibited legalization before the implementation of a biometric border-check-in system. In April, the duo exasperated Democrats again when Vitter wrote, and Sessions raised on the Senate floor, an amendment to a resolution honoring the late Latino union organizer Cesar Chavez: Vitter noted Chavez’s support for a “secure Southern border” and “enforcement of our immigration laws.” That put New Jersey’s Robert Menendez, who had introduced the resolution, in an awkward position as he objected to the amendment.

The Gang of Eight’s bill passed 68 to 32. Its supporters had hoped for 70 yea votes. “It was wounded when it got to the House, wasn’t any doubt about that,” Sessions says.

The events that unfolded over the next few months didn’t help it. On July 2, the Obama administration quietly announced in a blog post that it would delay for a year the implementation of the Affordable Care Act’s employer mandate. With that, Vitter says, skepticism among Republicans that the president could be trusted to enforce the proposed immigration legislation “went on steroids.” When House members returned from their July 4 recess, says one Republican congressman, “anybody who opposed amnesty-first-type legislation could simply say, ‘Look, if he’s not going to enforce a core part of his namesake legislation, what makes you think he’s going to enforce anything that we pass?’”

Nonetheless, July was filled with talk about whether House leaders would use a conference committee to resolve their disputes with the Senate over the bill. On her radio show, Laura Ingraham sought to prevent them from doing so. Her interviews with GOP House members, regardless of the topic, ended with the same question: “Will you go to conference on immigration, yes or no?” She also made a presidential endorsement. “Jeff Sessions, we need Jeff Sessions for president,” she said. “Really, is there anyone out there who is better than Jeff Sessions on any of these issues?”

When lawmakers left Washington for their annual August recess, Sessions sent House Republicans home with a memo. Dated July 29, 2013, and addressed to “Republican colleagues,” it sought to refute the political and economic arguments in favor of comprehensive immigration reform. Republicans lost the 2012 election not because Mitt Romney won too few Hispanic votes, he said, but because the GOP “hemorrhaged support from middle- and low-income Americans.” While many Republicans had argued that an influx of immigration would aid American businesses, Sessions asked, “What about the needs of workers?” He urged them to embrace a “humble and honest populism.”

The argument took. Among House members, the political argument was particularly effective. After the 2012 election, says one Republican congressman, “it was almost just accepted that you’d do the amnesty and then you’d do better amongst Latino voters.” Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush did relatively well among Hispanics: Reagan won 37 percent of the Hispanic vote in 1984, and Bush won 40 percent in 2004. Though both supported amnesty, neither campaigned on the issue. In the first election after Reagan signed the 1986 immigration bill, which legalized over 2 million people, George H. W. Bush earned just 30 percent of the Hispanic vote. John McCain, who had for years championed comprehensive immigration reform, did little better.

Eventually even Republican supporters began to concede there would be no political payoff. In a closed-door meeting, says the congressman, “Paul Ryan eventually said immigration reform won’t help us win more votes, but ‘this is something we need to do.’”

By the new year, House leaders had decided to scrap the Senate bill entirely. But opponents of amnesty like to refer to comprehensive immigration reform as a “zombie issue” — one that time and again springs back to life — and the House leadership decided to sell their colleagues on a set of immigration principles, including a path to citizenship, unveiled shortly before their January retreat at a golf resort in Cambridge, Md.

On January 28, the day before they decamped from D.C., Sessions sent a 30-page memo to House Republicans. He said that the principles unveiled by House leaders resembled in every important way what he referred to as the “Senate Democrat / White House plan.” Complete with a table of contents that catalogued the “myths” propagated by the bill’s supporters, Sessions argued in footnote-full and chart-filled detail against the claims put forward by House leaders. The memo also included a “chartbook” on the adverse economic impact of mass immigration.

“Lots of members rebelled against the principles,” says a House member who was in on several private discussions. The congressman says that when they were discussed in a closed-door meeting of the Republican conference back in Washington, Boehner addressed the room and said, “Look, I got the message.”

In early February, both Boehner and Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell said they couldn’t see an immigration deal happening, but the issue popped up again in April when the Wall Street Journal reported that Boehner had told donors at a Las Vegas fundraiser he was “hell-bent” on passing an immigration bill in 2014. The speaker finally threw his hands up at the end of the month. “Every time the president ignores the law like the 38 times he has on Obamacare,” he said, “our members look up and go, ‘Wait a minute.’”

Sessions characterizes Eric Cantor’s primary defeat in June and the humanitarian crisis unfolding on the southern border as “exclamation points” on his efforts over the past year. The latter has proved disastrous for the Obama administration and for those who supported the Gang of Eight bill, offering a national illustration of the catastrophic impact of lax immigration laws. “A few years ago,” says a Republican congressman who opposes amnesty, “people like me could predict what was going to happen. Now we don’t have to predict, we just point.”

Congress has yet to come up with any viable legislation to stem the tide of illegal immigrants and young children pouring over the border. The House last week passed passed a symbolic bill that increases funding to deploy National Guard troops to the border and closes the loophole in a 2008 law, making it easier to deport the unaccompanied minors entering the country. The Democratic Senate blocked the bill and jetted off on vacation.

The result of Sessions’s efforts is that the president is now left with just one option to accomplish his goal: implementing an executive order that would grant amnesty to between 6 and 9 million illegal immigrants. It won’t be couched in the feel-good language of the Gang of Eight bill, and it will come with enormous political costs.

The denouement, if you can call it that, offers an important political lesson: Intensity matters. It is said more often of the fight over gun control, but it is true of all political battles. Opponents of amnesty, Sessions chief among them, proved more passionate and energetic than their adversaries. For over a year, Sessions and his staff owned the immigration issue every day. Though supporters of the legislation, both in 2007 and 2013, peddled a narrative of inevitability, Sessions helped nurture and give expression to the skepticism of many Republican voters whose voices weren’t represented by the CEOs and lobbyists who helped craft the bill.

And he won, both times. That might not make him a master of the universe, but it makes him one of the most important assets that the Right has.